Cankor Report #279
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Wed Apr 4 08:33:04 CDT 2007
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CANADA-KOREA ELECTRONIC INFORMATION SERVICE
CanKor # 279
Friday, 30 March 2007
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The DPRK expresses its annual objection to the annual USA-ROK military
manoeuvres, which Pyongyang sees as aggressive rather than defensive.
Threats that they could derail progress in the Six-Party Talks seem
gratuitous in view of the fact that the talks are currently in recess
and unlikely to reconvene before the end of the military exercizes.
The Subcommittee on International Human Rights of the Canadian House
of Commons passes a private member resolution calling on Japan to
apologize for its treatment of "comfort women" during World War II and
compensate the victims. This follows similar moves in the USA and
Germany.
This week's CanKor FOCUS examines the humanitarian issues that have
resurfaced in the DPRK. Among these are a measles epidemic, a foot and
mouth outbreak, and food shortages the UN estimates at close to a
million metric tons. The United Nations World Food Programme says that
the DPRK is asking for international assistance, just two years after
it had declared itself no longer in need of food aid. The ROK resumes
shipments of blankets, disinfectants, fertilizer, cement and rice.
Russia and the EU have independently indicated a willingness to supply
humanitarian aid.
In our RESOURCES section, Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland introduce
to CanKor readers their new book, entitled "Famine in North Korea:
Markets, Aid and Reform."
*************************************************
Contents:
1. DPRK ASSAILS ROK-USA JOINT MILITARY MANEUVERS
http://www.kcna.co.jp/item/2007/200703/news03/23.htm#2
2. MILITARY EXERCIZES COULD AFFECT SIX-PARTY TALKS
http://en.rian.ru/world/20070326/62607726.html
3. CANADIAN PARLIAMENTARIANS SEEK TO CENSURE JAPAN
http://english.chosun.com/w21data/html/news/200703/200703300007.html
FOCUS: Humanitarian concerns resurface in DPRK
4. DPRK PLEADS FOR UN FOOD ASSISTANCE
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/LAC.20070329.FOOD29/TPStory/TPInternational/Asia/
5. ROK RESUMES AID SHIPMENTS TO DPRK
http://english.chosun.com/w21data/html/news/200703/200703290023.html
6. EPIDEMICS ON THE RISE IN NORTH KOREA
http://english.donga.com/srv/service.php3?biid=2007013113448
7. DPRK MEASLES EPIDEMIC REQUEST FOR ASSISTANCE
http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/JBRN-6YUJTX?OpenDocument
8. LIVESTOCK SLAUGHTERED AFTER FOOT AND MOUTH OUTBREAK
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/world/AP-NKorea-Cattle.html
9. RUSSIA HINTS AT SEPARATE AID TO DPRK
http://english.yonhapnews.co.kr/Engnews/20070306/630000000020070306224345E2.html
10. EUROPEAN UNION READY TO HELP WHEN ASKED
http://english.ohmynews.com/ArticleView/article_view.asp?menu=A11100&no=352812&rel_no=1&back_url
RESOURCES
11. FAMINE IN NORTH KOREA: MARKETS, AID AND REFORM
Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland introduce their new book to
CanKor readers.
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1. DPRK ASSAILS ROK-USA JOINT MILITARY MANEUVERS
Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), 22 March 2007
A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry gave the following answer to
the question put by KCNA on March 22 as regards the projected
USA-south Korea RSOI and Foal Eagle joint military exercises:
As already reported, the USA and south Korea are going to stage RSOI
and Foal Eagle joint military exercises across south Korea from March
25. These are very dangerous provocations casting shadow over the
implementation of an agreement adopted with much effort at the
six-party talks on February 13 and the progress of the talks.
The DPRK cannot but suspect an ulterior aim sought by the US and the
south Korean authorities in talking about the "reconciliation and
improved relations," "peace and stability" while planning to stage the
large-scale military exercises targeted against the dialogue partner.
Dialogue and saber-rattling cannot go together. The US and south
Korean war-like forces will be wholly responsible for all the adverse
consequences to be entailed by their provocative military actions.
*************************************************
2. MILITARY EXERCIZES COULD AFFECT SIX-PARTY TALKS
RIA Novosti News Agency, 26 March 2007
Joint USA-South Korea military exercises could have serious
consequences for the six-nation nuclear disarmament talks on the
Korean peninsula, a North Korean newspaper said Monday.
The United States and South Korea have been conducting joint staff
exercises named RSOI (Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and
Integration) since March 25. The exercises will be combined with
large-scale maneuvers Toksuri -- Foal Eagle, traditionally seen by
Pyongyang as a war rehearsal on the Korean peninsula.
An article published in Nodong Sinmun said that North Korea could no
longer trust the United States and was being forced to fully prepare
for any scenario. According to the newspaper, the preparations will
include building up military containment forces. (...)
*************************************************
3. CANADIAN PARLIAMENTARIANS SEEK TO CENSURE JAPAN
Chosun Ilbo, 30 March 2007
A chorus of voices vehemently criticizing the Japanese government for
its denial of responsibility for the sexual enslavement of women
during World War II has been raised around the world. Following moves
by the USA, Germany and Canada have condemned the denials and called
for action.
The Canadian Parliament is pushing for the passage of a resolution
calling for Japan to apologize for its "comfort women" atrocities and
compensate the victims. The bill was submitted by New Democratic Party
Rep. Wayne Marston. A motion passed Tuesday in a vote of four to three
by the Subcommittee on International Human Rights under the Committee
on Foreign Affairs and International Development of the Canadian House
of Commons. Marston said, "Prime Minister Abe must be pressured to
formally apologize and to institute a program to compensate the 50,000
to 200,000 women who were forced to serve in military brothels during
World War II."
The German daily Sueddeutsche Zeitung criticized Abe on Wednesday for
openly denying the responsibility of the Imperial Japanese Army in
enslaving women. In a column entitled "Historisches Versaeumnis
(Historical Omission)," the newspaper accused Abe of making a
calculated bid to recover from a loss of public confidence after
suffering internal setbacks. The column says Abe seems to believe that
although his statements may rub salt in the wounds of the former
comfort women, he could perhaps win support from the Japanese people
for his nationalistic stance.
Meanwhile, the latest issue of the Asian edition of Newsweek magazine
includes a column that downplays Japan's wartime atrocities. The
article by right-wing Japanese historian Hideaki Kase says, "US Army
records in 1944 explicitly declare that the comfort women were
prostitutes." Yonhap News reported that Newsweek has been inundated
with mail and phone calls from readers calling for the dismissal of
its editor or a boycott of the magazine.
A report filed by the US Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in May
1945 states that 25 Korean women who escaped from a Japanese military
unit in Kunming, China, and surrendered to the Chinese Army, had
become sex slaves "apparently under compulsion and misrepresentation."
Kase seems to have disregarded the full context of the report and
deliberately distorted the facts by claiming Korean women volunteered
to serve as comfort women.
The Japanese daily Mainichi Shimbun reported Thursday that Abe has
been trying to move past the comfort women issue but has been
unsuccessful because his associates, including Deputy Chief Cabinet
Secretary Hakubun Shimomura, keep making provocative remarks.
*************************************************
FOCUS: Humanitarian concerns resurface in DPRK
*************************************************
4. DPRK PLEADS FOR UN FOOD ASSISTANCE
Geoffrey York, Globe and Mail, 29 March 2007
For the first time since its catastrophic famine of the mid-1990s,
North Korea is admitting that it has a severe food shortage and needs
help from the outside world. The request for help is a humiliating
step for the secretive nuclear-armed nation. Just two years ago, North
Korea announced that it was self-sufficient and didn't need any
further aid from the United Nations food agency. But now it has
abruptly reversed itself and acknowledged a serious shortage. In
meetings in Pyongyang this week, North Korean officials asked for
greater assistance from the UN's World Food Programme. For the first
time, they confirmed the WFP's estimate that the country's food
shortfall -- the gap between what it produces and what its people
need -- is about a million metric tons.
"The food situation is deteriorating," said Tony Banbury, the WFP's
regional director for Asia, after returning from a five-day visit to
the isolated Stalinist country this week. "It's precarious and it's
clearly headed in the wrong direction," he told a news conference in
Beijing yesterday. "We're losing the fight against hunger... If donors
do not respond to the request, millions of people are going to go
hungry."
About half of North Korea's population of 23 million people will need
donated food this year, yet the WFP can help only 3 per cent of the
population because of a shortage of international aid. North Korea's
nuclear weapons programme, which culminated in a nuclear test last
fall, has angered many of its traditional food donors, triggering a
sharp reduction -- 75 per cent in the past year -- in the flow of food
aid to the country. The WFP was hoping to provide aid to 1.9 million
North Koreans this year, but the lack of donations has forced it to
scale back to only 700,000 people.
In the famine of the mid-1990s, up to 2.5 million North Koreans are
believed to have perished. The food shortage today has not reached
that level, but some observers are worried that the isolated country
could be headed for a famine. Devastating floods last year have also
damaged the country's food supply.
A survey in 2004 found that 37 per cent of North Korean children were
chronically malnourished. The government has not permitted any surveys
since then. But in their field mission this week, the WFP officials
saw evidence of malnutrition among children in every school and
orphanage that they visited. They also saw a severe shortage of
tractors, fertilizers, pesticides and other modern farm technology.
Instead of plowing their farmland with tractors, the farmers were
using shovels to turn the land by hand, Mr. Banbury said.
The WFP believes it is highly significant that North Korea has now
decided to ask for assistance. In a nation with an official philosophy
of self-sufficiency, where massive resources have been diverted into
its nuclear programme, the regime has long refused to make a formal
request for food aid, although it has accepted large donations from
China and South Korea.
"I think it's the first time since 1995 that they are publicly
admitting that there is a food deficit, and certainly it's the first
time since 1995 where they're asking for external assistance," said
Jean-Pierre de Margerie, a Canadian aid worker who heads the WFP
operations in North Korea. "In the North Korean environment, I think
that's a key sign," he said. "They rarely admit there is a
humanitarian crisis, or that they need foreign assistance. They have
their pride."
The latest food shortage is emerging at the worst possible time of
year, the "lean season" of the spring, when food from the fall harvest
is depleted. Infant mortality could increase if the hunger continues,
Mr. Banbury said. "We are far from meeting the food needs of the most
vulnerable people."
*************************************************
5. ROK RESUMES AID SHIPMENTS TO DPRK
Chosun Ilbo, 29 March 2007
South Korean aid shipments to North Korea resumed in full swing after
video reunions of separated families began on Tuesday. The government
sent 60,000 blankets to North Korea on Wednesday. The shipment of
blankets, part of a flood relief campaign, was halted after Pyongyang
conducted a nuclear test last October.
The shipment also included 11 other relief items including
disinfectants for the prevention of foot-and-mouth disease. Some
15,000 tons of rice and 70,000 tons of cement will go north next
month.
A ship carrying 6,500 tons of fertilizer left Yeosu port for North
Korea on Wednesday, part of 300,000 tons of fertilizer due to be sent
to the North by late June. The provision of fertilizer will cost W108
billion (US$1=W939) including freight fees. North Korea asked the
South Korean Red Cross to offer fertilizer aid on March 7.
The government will provide North Korea with some W3.5 billion of
materials and W400 million in cash for the construction of a family
reunion center equipped with video facilities. Originally the South
was supposed to provide LCD monitors for the center, but the USA has
banned shipments of LCD monitors to North Korea, so the cash will go
to buying LCD monitors from China.
The two sides will discuss when and how 400,000 tons of rice worth
W200 billion will be sent across the border at a meeting of the
Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation Committee which will open in
Pyongyang on April 18.
*************************************************
6. EPIDEMICS ON THE RISE IN NORTH KOREA
Donga Ilbo, 31 January 2007
Infectious diseases such as scarlet fever and measles are on the rise
in North Korea, according to recent reports, adding to the severe
economic hardships North Koreans are suffering. North Koreans
interviewed by the Dong-A Ilbo said that the North Korean authorities
are sitting on their hands and not moving quickly to handle the
outbreak of the diseases in Pyongyang and provincial areas due to a
lack of medicine. Scarlet fever, whose symptoms include sore throat,
high fever, and a rash first broke out in Hyesan, Yanggangdo, and
Shineuiju, North Pyongan Province last October, and has spread to the
rest of the country.
Han Myong Ho (alias) living in Chongjin, North Hamgyong Province said,
"As of January, 4,000 people caught scarlet fever in Chongjin alone.
The affected people were hospitalized at hospitals in Sunam." Symptoms
of scarlet fever can be cured with penicillin, but hospitals which did
not have stockpiles of the antibiotic just told those infected to boil
water before drinking it. Furthermore, the rampant circulation of fake
drugs from China may be increasing the death toll.
During the early days of the outbreak, North Korean authorities
stopped trains, imposed curfews, and closed schools, factories, and
offices in the infected areas. Though an educational campaign on
scarlet fever was launched, the shortage of medicines for the epidemic
is keeping the campaign from making headway.
The root causes of the outbreak are poor water and sewer systems, lack
of electricity, and a collapse of the country's preventive medicine
system. For example, in rural areas in the North, flush toilets are
rare, and water and sewer systems are in terrible condition, leading
to all kinds of wastewater running directly into rivers. Pumps often
stop operating because of electricity shortages, which eventually
leads to water supply problems. As a result, people often drink water
from contaminated rivers. To make matters worse, vaccinations that had
been given on a regular basis until the mid-1990s have stopped, which
has resulted in periodic outbreaks of measles, chicken pox,
paratyphoid fever, typhoid fever, cholera, foot-and-mouth disease and
bird flu.
Amid the epidemic are panic-stricken rumors circulating. Jeong Mi Ae
(alias) living in the North said, "There is a rumor circulating that
South Korean intelligent agents are spreading the diseases through the
North Korea-China border since the epidemic of scarlet fever first
broke out around there."
*************************************************
7. DPRK MEASLES EPIDEMIC REQUEST FOR ASSISTANCE
International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies
(IFRC), 28 February 2007
[The Federation's mission is to improve the lives of vulnerable people
by mobilizing the power of humanity. It is the world's largest
humanitarian organization and its millions of volunteers are active in
over 185 countries.]
Since November 2006, some 3,000 people in 30 counties in ten provinces
within the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) have been
diagnosed with measles. To date there have been four reported
casualties (two children and two adults), directly due to the measles
and related complications such as pneumonia and cardiac failure.
Measles is a highly contagious viral infection. Measles patients
suffer from a full-body skin rash that first appears on the face
gradually spreading to the trunk and extremities. The skin rash is
preceded by common cold or flu-like symptoms. As of 27 February, some
1,013 measles patients have been admitted to various local health
facilities throughout the country for treatment, with more people
continuing to seek treatment. Confirmation of the measles outbreak was
announced on 16 February at a joint meeting organized by the Ministry
of Public Health (MoPH), attended by representatives from the
Federation, the DPRK Red Cross Society, World Health Organization
(WHO), and UNICEF.
Indications of the disease were first reported in Ryanggang Province's
Pujon Ri, Kimhyongjik County in November 2006. The disease was
initially diagnosed as rubella, based upon clinical symptoms of
patients who were first identified as having the disease on 6 November
in Pujon Ri, and in some northern areas including Ryanggang Province.
As the disease was unable to be contained within these areas, it has
subsequently spread throughout the country. According to the country's
MoPH, confirmation of the measles could only be made in the middle of
February after receiving diagnostic kits from the WHO.
The incidence of measles throughout the country is accompanied by a
risk of an increased number of cases and the further spread of the
infection to other parts of the country. A measles outbreak in a
country like DPRK, where the overall health and nutritional status of
the population has deteriorated in the recent past due to economic
constraints and natural disasters coupled with the compromised health
infrastructure, has serious consequences. The international guidelines
in this situation require a nationwide measles immunization campaign,
along with Vitamin A supplements, to decrease the morbidity and
mortality rate of the illness.
*************************************************
8. LIVESTOCK SLAUGHTERED AFTER FOOT AND MOUTH OUTBREAK
Associated Press, 8 March 2007
Impoverished North Korea has slaughtered hundreds of cows and pigs
after an outbreak of foot and mouth disease, according to the World
Organization for Animal Health. The outbreak occurred in January at a
farm in the capital, Pyongyang, sickening 431 cows, according to a
North Korean government report dated Wednesday that was posted on the
Web site of the Paris-based animal health agency, known by the
initials OIE.
Since the outbreak, quarantine officials have killed 466 cows,
including the sickened ones, as well as 2,630 pigs to prevent the
spread of the disease, the North's Agricultural Ministry said. Some
100,000 animals within the 44-mile radius of the outbreak site will be
vaccinated, it added. The sickened cows were imported from Tieling,
China, the report said. (...)
The last outbreak of foot and mouth disease in North Korea occurred in
1960, it said. The disease is not known to be a threat to humans, but
it is highly contagious among other mammals. The disease affects cows,
sheep, goats and other cloven-footed animals, causing blisters on the
mouth and feet.
*************************************************
9. RUSSIA HINTS AT SEPARATE AID TO DPRK
Yonhap News, 6 March 2007
Russia might provide North Korea with additional energy and
electricity aid on a humanitarian basis, separately from that agreed
upon in a recent international nuclear deal, Russia's foreign minister
said Tuesday. Sergei Lavrov made the remarks after meeting with his
South Korean counterpart, Song Min-soon, on how to successfully
implement the Feb. 13 six-nation agreement, in which North Korea
agreed to start dismantling its nuclear weapons program in return for
aid. In a joint news conference, Lavrov said Russia will assume its
aid liability in line with the six-party agreement, and may also send
more aid to North Korea on a bilateral humanitarian basis.
"The six-party talks in Beijing in February produced some important
agreements and all participating parties assumed certain liabilities
on that basis," he said. He also said Russia and North Korea will hold
talks later this month to discuss the settlement of Pyongyang's over
US$8 billion debt to Moscow. According to press reports, Russia plans
to write off a large portion of the debt to help improve economic
conditions in the North. (...)
*************************************************
10. EUROPEAN UNION READY TO HELP WHEN ASKED
Timothy Savage & Kim Tae-kyung, Ohmy News, 28 March 2007
[Following are excerpts of an interview with Hubert Pirker, Chairman
of the European Parliament Committee for Korea, which handles
relations with the Korean Peninsula. Pirker, a former teacher of
mathematics, was first elected to the Austrian Parliament from the
Christian Democrat Party in 1990. He served in the European Parliament
from 1999-2004, and was returned in February 2006. OhmyNews spoke with
him at the Shilla Hotel in Seoul, where he was attending a conference
to mark the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome. -- Editor]
Q: To start, please tell us a bit about the delegation on relations
with the Korean Peninsula; when was it founded, what's its purpose,
who are its members?
A: Because of the importance of the relations between the EU and the
Republic of Korea, in 2004 we started a new delegation especially
responsible for relations with the Korean Peninsula. Years ago, we had
a delegation dealing with the Republic of Korea, but it was together
with relations with ASEAN. So we choose now to have a separate
delegation for South Korea. The background is that we are the largest
foreign investor in Korea, and we are the second largest export market
for the Koreas. The members are mixed, coming from different kinds of
fields, mostly well experienced with relations toward Northeast Asia.
One very important member is the chairman of the delegation
responsible for relations with Japan. This helps to bring together the
delegations responsible for the relations between the whole Korean
Peninsula and Japan. There are 24 members altogether.
Q: The EU seems to adhere to strong principles regarding the North
Korean problem. For instance, in the UN resolution, while supporting
sanctions on North Korea, the EU wanted to exempt humanitarian aid. On
the other hand, couldn't it be said that because you aren't heavily
involved in the Korean problem, you have room for a broader policy?
A: I think you're right. On the one side, I would say that everyone is
involved in North Korea. This is the last communist gulag, with
nuclear weapons. This is a very explosive, dangerous situation for the
whole world. So therefore it's important to give support from the
whole international community to try our best to solve the problem.
Therefore we are engaged. Another point is that we were asked --
especially by our Korean friends -- to be more politically involved in
solving this problem. As you mentioned, we are not part of the
six-party talks; that is clear. However, if there is a necessity, and
we are asked to give help, we are able to do so. We are engaged, we
are doing it, because we were asked to. We are showing that we are
giving help, via food security. This program means that we are helping
the people themselves, and having also some control over what's going
on. This is the activity undertaken by the European Union. But
everything depends on the developments on the North Korean side, by
the regime itself. If there is no success there will be no help. The
problem for us is always the balancing of pressure on the government
and help to the people.
Q: Because of North Korea's own restrictions, EU countries were the
only ones that were allowed to have NGO representatives resident in
Pyongyang. A couple of years ago, however, North Korea kicked out most
of those NGOs as well. What were the reasons behind the expulsion, and
do you see any possibility of European NGOs resuming activities there
in the near future?
A: First I would say we are totally different situation compared with
years ago. On the one side, very negative, they have nuclear weapons.
So it affects both sides. The other side is that the results of the
regime's development approach are very, very negative. They need help.
And for us, it's a chance, I would say, to open the door for new
talks. But always making clear first, there must be some changes going
in the direction of a democratic way. It will take a long time, but
they need to show progress on humanitarian rights, and then we can
give a bit of support. As we mentioned during today's meetings,
opening the door for talks is always the way to bring about a new kind
of policy in such a country as North Korea. So there's a bit of hope.
Q: That brings up another point, which is always the dilemma in
dealing with North Korea. Europe is known for promoting international
standards on such things as peace, nonproliferation, and human rights.
But some critics say that engaging North Korea on the nuclear issue
just legitimizes the government and ignores the human rights issue.
How do you reconcile these competing priorities?
A: We always want to avoid this impression. This is not the way we
would like to go. First of all, we are always going the same way that
the international society is going. If there are sanctions, all our
countries follow the sanctions. So we show very clearly that there is
a lot of pressure against this horrible government. And at the highest
level -- last October, one day after the explosion, the European
Parliament made a direct statement that made clear what is going on
vis-à-vis North Korea, and that we are totally supporting the
sanctions. But if they want to go a new way in North Korea, we would
give support to the people there. This is also the way that is being
pursued by international society.
Q: Europe has the experience of the Helsinki process in dealing with
human rights in the former Soviet bloc. Do you think such a process
can also be applied in North Korea?
A: Maybe. No one knows. North Korea is very different, and much more
closed to outsiders. So nobody knows really the best strategy, and
there is no real example we have in mind. But we try our best to solve
the problems for the people living underneath this horrible regime in
North Korea. And so, I think, there is a bit of a chance to open the
door for a new way. I hope we can use it in the interest of the whole
region, and the world. But it depends on the North.
Q: South Korea, China, the USA, and Japan all obviously have very
strong interests in the North Korean nuclear issue, which can make
solving the problem more difficult. The EU on the contrary seems in a
strong position to play a mediating role, but thus far hasn't done so.
Is there any thought of actively stepping forward in the future?
A: I think so. We are a bit more active in this process. We could act
more or less as a facilitator if the Koreans ask us to facilitate,
because we are as good a friend today as the Americans, for example.
They are strongly involved, and have changed their line now. But the
European Union is more or less on a softer way -- with the experiences
we have within the union, regarding our relations between the
different member states and third countries. So maybe the experience
we have in Europe could give a bit of help, if there is a need and if
we are asked. (...)
*************************************************
RESOURCES
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11. FAMINE IN NORTH KOREA: MARKETS, AID AND REFORM
Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland, 30 March 2007
[Following are three excerpts from the introduction to a recently
published book by Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland, entitled "Famine
in North Korea: Markets, Aid and Reform," with a preface by Nobel
laureate Amartya Sen. The book provides a comprehensive overview of
the political economy of North Korea from 1990 to the present, divided
into three parts: a discussion of the origins of the famine; a review
of the politics and economics of the humanitarian aid effort; and a
discussion of the marketization of the economy and the reform efforts
of 2002. Further information can be found at:
http://www.columbia.edu/cu/cup/catalog/data/023114/0231140002.HTM]
ON THE ORIGINS OF THE FAMINE AND DISTRIBUTIONAL ISSUES:
To [assess the impact of overall food availability on the onset of the
famine], we construct food balance sheets for the country from 1990 to
the present. We approach this task with the caution -- and warnings --
that it deserves, but the underlying purpose is to assess the overall
availability of food from all sources and the shortfall between
different estimates of supply and demand. To what extent have North
Korea's food problems been the result of a decline in overall food
availability, and what is the ultimate source of that food
availability decline? To what extent can North Korea's problems be
traced to the distribution of food?
The evidence with respect to food availability is mixed; the country
certainly experienced a decline in production and under some
assumptions about demand, North Korea's famine could be treated as a
classic food availability problem. But we also show that with some
important adjustments -- such as maintaining the ability to import
food on commercial terms or aggressively seeking humanitarian
assistance -- the government could have avoided the worst of the great
famine and the shortages that continue to this day. Indeed, we argue
that in an increasingly integrated global market for basic foodstuffs,
"food availability" must be seen in an open-economy context. If
internal food availability declines, but external sources of supply
are available, then we have really identified a new sort of
entitlement problem. Why do donors fail to respond to manifest need?
Even more perplexing, why do governments not avail themselves of
external sources of supply available through trade or aid?
A disturbing finding from this balance sheet exercise is that as
humanitarian assistance responded to the crisis, commercial imports of
food fell. Rather than using humanitarian assistance as an addition to
supply, the government used it largely as balance of payments support,
offsetting aid by cutting commercial food imports, and allocating the
savings to other priorities. Again, these findings cast particular
doubt on arguments that food shortages after 1995 could be attributed
to a decline in domestic food availability alone.
In Chapter Three, we turn our attention to the system of socialist
entitlements in more detail: the complex problem of who had -- and who
lost -- access to food during the great famine. North Korea is a
surprisingly urbanized country, a result of the regime's emphasis on
heavy industrialization. Between 60 and 70 percent of the North Korean
population depended on the PDS, and we show the importance of
regional, urban-rural and occupational differences in access to food.
The regions directly affected by the floods of 1995 certainly suffered
shortages, but so did remote mountain areas of the north and the
industrial cities of the East Coast. In contrast to famines elsewhere
in the world, North Korea's was an urban as well as rural phenomenon.
Pyongyang -- the seat of government and of the ruling elite -- was at
least relatively protected.
These regional differences -- and information suggesting that certain
parts of the country were cut off from both aid and domestic
distribution -- suggest strongly that political decisions about
distribution played an important role in the famine. We review a
number of possible reasons why the government responded to the pattern
of shortfalls as it did. While we find no evidence that particular
segments of the population were deliberately starved -- as was the
case in the Ukraine under Stalin (Conquest 1986) and Cambodia under
Pol Pot (Short 2004) -- there is evidence that informational failures
and the lack of accountability characteristic of authoritarian regimes
played a crucial role.
ON AID AND DIVERSION:
The question of monitoring is closely related to the third rail of
humanitarian assistance: the perennial problem of diversion of aid to
unintended purposes and undeserving recipients (Chapter Five). We
argue that the term "diversion" is used casually and in fact
encompasses several quite different phenomena. The most common image
is of the military seizing grain to feed the army and party cadre. But
the political and military elite has a variety of channels for
accessing food, including "first draw" on the domestic harvest, access
to unmonitored imports from China and South Korea, and access to grain
via the market. This type of large-scale centralized diversion no
doubt occurs, but is almost certainly exaggerated.
Much less attention has been given to the effect of the huge
differences between controlled and market prices on the incentive to
divert food for economic reasons: to sell it in the market. These
incentives operate with respect to farmers, who can earn more by
selling to the market than surrendering grain to the state. They
operate with respect to those with access to imports and they almost
certainly operate with respect to aid as well. This aspect of
diversion is almost certainly underestimated in standard accounts, and
its effects are not straightforward. There is no question that such
diversion reduces the amount of food going to intended beneficiaries.
But ironically it also has the unintended, and presumably positive,
long-term consequence of promoting the marketization of the economy
and even lowering prices; in our discussion of reform, we consider who
the winners and losers were from this process of diversion and
marketization.
ON THE LONG-RUN EFFECTS OF THE FAMINE ON THE REFORM PROCESS:
In Chapter Seven, we return to the domestic front by looking at the
government's response to the immediate aftermath of the famine. On the
one hand, the government sought to reassert control over a country
that had come apart during the great famine. On the other hand, the
coping strategies that households pursued during the famine produced
fundamental changes in the political economy of North Korea, including
extensive marketization.
The emergence of markets is often associated with leadership decisions
and top-down reforms, such as those launched in China in the late
1970s and that finally came to North Korea 25 years later in 2002.
Rather, we argue that marketization can be traced in part to the
coping strategies of local party, government, and military units
together with individual enterprises and households. As the public
distribution system collapsed and the market came to supply a greater
and greater share of total consumption, a new divide appeared in North
Korean society between those who could augment their wages with
foreign exchange and other sources of income, and those who could not.
A "new poor" emerged as a result, with the cities once again being
among the most severely affected.
Marketization struck fear into the hearts of political authorities who
saw it as the opening wedge for the emergence of an economy and
private sphere beyond the clutches of the state. We interpret the
reforms of 2002 not simply as a progressive effort to move the North
Korean economy in a new direction, but also as a defensive move
designed to reassert control. Whatever the intent of the reforms,
however, they resulted in very high levels of inflation. Food prices
rose far faster than nominal wages, resulting in a sharp decline in
the welfare of those forced to purchase food in the market. Farmers
probably benefited from this change in relative prices, but the result
was to exacerbate the stark division we have noted between haves and
have-nots.
What effect did marketization and the reforms have on welfare in North
Korea? The same patterns of secrecy and obstruction that have hampered
the implementation of relief activities militate against the
evaluation of their effectiveness as well. We can, however, evaluate
the four UN-sponsored nutrition surveys that have been done to date,
as well as a variety of other sorts of evidence that has not been
fully exploited in this context, including refugee interviews, and
data on prices. We conclude Chapter Seven by using this information --
sketchy as it is -- as a guide to where North Korea stood ten years
after the famine of the mid-1990s and roughly five years into the
reforms. We find that as of 2005, there had been some marginal
improvement in nutritional status since the peak of the famine.
However, there is also considerable cross-regional variation in
nutritional status, and ample evidence that this major humanitarian
disaster was by no means over.
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End CanKor # 279
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