[Cankor] Report #272
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cankor at cankor.ca
Thu Feb 8 22:06:42 CST 2007
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CANADA-KOREA ELECTRONIC INFORMATION SERVICE
CanKor # 272
Friday, 2 February 2007
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Six-Party Talks are set to resume in Beijing Thursday, 8 February.
There are strong expectations of a major move forward. Rumours
circulate that US Secretary of State Rice has secretly met with DPRK
chief negotiator Kim Gye Gwan. The USA and the DPRK are said to have
agreed on what some have dubbed "Clinton Lite" -- the release of the
legitimate portion of DPRK funds currently frozen in Macau's Banco
Delta Asia in exchange of a halt in the operation of the Yongbyon
nuclear reactor under IAEA "monitoring".
China's food exports to the DPRK were down sharply in 2006, half the
amounts shipped in 2005. However, oil exports have remained stable, up
0.2% from the previous year.
A European Union ban on luxury goods sales to Pyongyang conforming to
last October's UN Security Council resolution is being delayed because
of the unresolved dispute between Spain and the UK over the status of
Gibraltar.
This week's CanKor FOCUS examines the scrutiny being applied to the
operations of United Nations agencies in Pyongyang, particularly US
State Department accusations that the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) has made inappropriate cash payments to the DPRK
government. UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon orders a thorough audit
of UNDP operations, specifically hard-currency transactions, the
independence of locally hired staff, and the agency's ability to
monitor ongoing projects. The DPRK Foreign Ministry calls the issue a
"US smear campaign," but its representative on the UNDP executive
board does not oppose the board's decision to delay approval of the
program's 2007-2009 budget until the UN General Assembly's board of
auditors determines within three months whether the development agency
violated its own guidelines. South Korean news reports claim that
North Korea has banned the use of foreign currency in all domestic
transactions in an apparent attempt to collect hard currency from
individuals.
An OPINION piece by Paul Stares, vice president for conflict analysis
and prevention at the United States Institute of Peace recommends that
Ban Ki Moon initiate a United Nations-sponsored initiative to formally
end the Korean War and dismantle the present armistice arrangements as
part of a peace treaty that would commit all six parties in the
current talks to establish normal diplomatic relations.
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Contents:
1. SIX-PARTY TALKS RESUME 8 FEBRUARY
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/world/AP-Koreas-Nuclear.html
2. CHINA'S FOOD EXPORTS TO DPRK DOWN 53% IN 2006
home.kyodo.co.jp/modules/fstStory/index.php?storyid=295235
3. DPRK LEADER FINDS LIFE'S LUXURIES IN GIBRALTAR
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/72f8c5fc-b229-11db-a79f-0000779e2340.html
FOCUS: Scrutiny of UNDP cash payments to DPRK
4. US STATE DEPARTMENT REVEALS MISUSE OF UNDP FUNDS
http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,244799,00.html
5. WE WELCOME AN INDEPENDENT AUDIT -- UNDP
http://opinionjournal.com/extra/?id=110009559
6. BAN ORDERS AUDIT OF UN OPERATION IN DPRK
http://www.washingtontimes.com/world/20070122-103606-3163r.htm
7. US SMEAR CAMPAIGN AGAINST DPRK BLASTED
http://www.kcna.co.jp/item/2007/200701/news01/26.htm#1
8. NORTH KOREA BANS USE OF FOREIGN CURRENCY
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/01/25/business/AS-FIN-NKorea-Foreign-Currency.php
9. UN PROGRAMME FACING NEW CURBS IN DPRK
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/01/25/AR2007012501760.html
OPINION
10. TO BAN THE BOMB, SIGN THE PEACE
http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/01/30/opinion/edstares.php
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1. SIX-PARTY TALKS RESUME 8 FEBRUARY
Alexa Olesen, Associated Press, 30 January 2007
International talks on dismantling North Korea's nuclear programs will
resume Feb. 8, China said Tuesday, as Washington and Pyongyang began a
new round of meetings over the North's alleged illicit financial
dealings. The last round of arms talks in December -- held in the wake
of the North's Oct. 9 nuclear test -- failed to make any progress on
getting Pyongyang to disarm. The duration of next week's nuclear
discussions "will depend on the progress made during the talks," said
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu.
Japan's prime minister warned the North would face repercussions if
the talks don't move forward. "If the six-party talks fail to yield
results, international pressure on North Korea will be further
increased," Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said in Tokyo. "It will be North
Korea that will be in the most difficult situation." The negotiations
have only resulted in one agreement since they began more than three
years ago, a September 2005 pact where the North pledged to abandon
its nuclear program in exchange for aid and security guarantees.
Jiang said the key goal at the next meeting would be to take
"substantive steps" toward implementing that agreement between China,
Japan, Russia, the United States and the two Koreas. "We hope the
relevant parties can make joint efforts ... toward implementing the
joint statement in a comprehensive way," Jiang said at a regular news
briefing.
Russia's nuclear envoy was upbeat Tuesday ahead of the talks. "The
very fact that there was agreement to hold a new round testifies to
signs of small movement in the positions of the participants," Deputy
Foreign Minister Alexander Lusyukov, who will head the Russian
delegation at the talks, was quoted by Russian news agency RIA-Novosti
as saying.
But the US ambassador to South Korea said setting a date didn't mean
progress in itself, calling for "continued unity" among the countries
involved to persuade the North to abandon nuclear weapons. "Pyongyang
has begun to get the message that the entire world has concerns about
its provocative actions," Alexander Vershbow said in Seoul. "This
unified response has in my view been key to the renewal of the
six-party talks and to the prospects for forward movement at next
week's session."
The South Korean Foreign Ministry said in a statement that it "expects
the participating countries to produce a substantial agreement for
early steps" to implement the 2005 agreement.
Meanwhile, a US Treasury official in Beijing for negotiations with
North Korea over its alleged illicit financial dealings said he was
"hopeful" of progress on the issue, which has stymied progress at the
nuclear talks. Deputy Assistant Treasury Secretary Daniel Glaser was
to meet his North Korean counterparts Tuesday to talk about US
financial restrictions, which were imposed due to Pyongyang's alleged
smuggling and counterfeiting.
"We're prepared to go through these talks as long as it takes for us
to get through our agenda," Glaser told reporters. "I'm hopeful we'll
make progress." Pyongyang has tied the two issues together since
Washington took action against the Macau-based Banco Delta Asia in
2005, accusing the bank of complicity in North Korea's alleged illegal
financial activity such as counterfeiting and money laundering. The
move has caused other banks to steer clear of North Korean business
for fear of losing access to the US market, hampering North Korea's
access to the international banking system.
North Korea had refused to discuss its nuclear program until the
financial restrictions are lifted, and only agreed to return to the
arms talks in the wake of its nuclear test following a yearlong
boycott to address the financial issue.
*************************************************
2. CHINA'S FOOD EXPORTS TO DPRK DOWN 53% IN 2006
Kyodo News, 25 January 2007
China, North Korea's major food and fuel supplier, exported to its
impoverished neighbor roughly half the amount of food in 2006 compared
with a year earlier while shipping about the same amount of oil,
Chinese customs figures showed Thursday.
China's exports of maize, rice and wheat flour to the country in the
12 months of 2006 totaled 207,250 tons, down 53 percent from a year
earlier, according to the General Administration of Customs. Among the
grains, the biggest drop was in maize, which fell 85.3 percent from a
year earlier.
Meanwhile, China shipped 524,040 tons of oil to the energy-starved
neighbor, up 0.2 percent from the previous year. That was despite a
drop in China's overall oil exports, which totaled 6,337,216 tons,
down 21.4 percent, according to the data. The country's exports to
other major countries including Japan, South Korea and Indonesia all
dropped in volume terms.
China does not reveal the amount of its food and fuel assistance to
North Korea, and analysts rely on export figures to assess the amount
of aid Beijing gives Pyongyang. In 2006, China came under pressure to
use its leverage over North Korea as a major food and fuel provider,
after North Korea test-fired missiles in July and carried out a
nuclear test in October, despite warnings from the international
community. (...)
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3. DPRK LEADER FINDS LIFE'S LUXURIES IN GIBRALTAR
George Parker and Mark Mulligan, Financial Times, 1 February 2007
Kim Jong-il, North Korea's idiosyncratic leader, may be dispensing
Hennessy cognac and Cartier watches to his cronies for a little while
longer, thanks to a 300-year-old territorial dispute between the UK
and Spain. The precise status of Gibraltar, a hunk of British-owned
rock at the mouth of the Mediterranean, has caused a new row between
London and Madrid that is delaying a European Union ban on luxury
goods sales to Pyongyang. The ban was agreed by the United Nations
last October as one of a number of sanctions against North Korea,
following its testing of a nuclear device. The aim was to deprive Mr.
Kim and his supporters of some of the finer things in life, including
thoroughbred horses, luxury vehicles, watches, pearls and musical
instruments. The sanctions were adopted by EU foreign ministers in
November, but they are still not in force across the bloc.
If Mr. Kim is wondering why, he need look no further than the War of
the Spanish Succession and the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht that ended it --
handing Gibraltar to Britain.
Problems arose when Madrid spotted that the EU regulation needed to
implement the sanctions contained a reference to the "competent
authorities" responsible for enforcing them: listed in the small print
was Gibraltar. Spain's foreign ministry wants the reference to
Gibraltar deleted before the EU regulation can come into force. "We do
not recognize Gibraltar's authority in international policy," it said.
"The UK is the only competent authority in this respect."
British diplomats say there would be a legal hole in the sanctions if
Gibraltar was not included. Both sides are trying to resolve the
dispute and insist it is a hiccup in improving relations over the
colony. In September the two countries, along with Gibraltar, signed
an agreement on airport access, telecoms and border controls, hailed
as the beginning of a new era of co-operation.
While the wrangling continues, European countries can apply the
sanctions unilaterally, but Brussels diplomats say the matter must be
dealt with at an EU level to ensure they are applied uniformly and
enforced.
*************************************************
FOCUS: Scrutiny of UNDP cash payments to DPRK
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4. US STATE DEPARTMENT REVEALS MISUSE OF UNDP FUNDS
George Russell, Executive Editor, Fox News, 19 January 2007
Has North Korean leader Kim Jong Il subverted the United Nations
Development Program, the $4 billion agency that is the UN's main
development arm, and possibly stolen tens of millions of dollars of
hard currency in the process? According to a top official of the US
State Department -- using findings made by the UN's own auditors --
the answer appears to be a disturbing yes, so far as UNDP programs in
North Korea itself are concerned.
And just as disturbingly, the UN aid agency bureaucracy has kept the
scamming a secret since at least 1999 -- while the North Korean
dictator and his regime were ramping up their illegal nuclear weapons
program and making highly publicized tests of intermediate range
ballistic missiles. Nothing was disclosed even to the UNDP Executive
Board, which oversees its operations and is composed of
representatives of 36 nations -- including the United States and, this
year, North Korea itself. That fact is sure to be a bombshell at the
Executive Board's regular annual meeting, which begins Friday and
extends through Jan. 26. Among the main items to be discussed is the
UNDP budget in North Korea.
Moreover, the period of scandal and secrecy in the UNDP's North Korean
operations coincided in large measure with the tenure of Mark Malloch
Brown, most recently Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations
itself, as administrator of the UNDP. Malloch Brown took over the UNDP
in July 1999, and stayed in his post even after August 2005, when he
also became chief of staff for then UN Secretary General Kofi Annan,
who at the time was reeling under the effects of the Oil for Food
scandal.
In March 2006, Malloch Brown took over as Deputy Secretary General
from Louise Frechette, who suddenly left the UN ahead of schedule,
after her own role in Oil for Food became widely known and criticized.
Only then did Malloch Brown give up his UNDP fiefdom. Malloch Brown
left the UN along with Annan at the end of last year and has since
been harshly critical of the Bush Administration and its former
ambassador to the UN, John Bolton, for their demands for greater UN
transparency and reform.
>From at least 1999 to at least 2004, it appears the UNDP, and the UN
itself, had no idea what Kim Jong Il did with the aid agency's money,
ostensibly intended for aid programs ranging from development of
energy programs and small and medium sized businesses, and for
environmental protection.
But the UNDP had plenty of warnings from auditors it had contracted to
look at the program during that period, and who signaled loudly that
something was badly awry. In a letter sent to the UNDP on Jan. 16,
Mark Wallace, the US State Department ambassador at the UN for
management and reform, wrote that the auditors' testimony shows it is
"impossible" for the UN aid agency to verify whether its funds "have
actually been used for bona fide development purposes or if the DPRK
has converted such funds for its own illicit purposes."
Ironically enough, neither Wallace nor the US government has been
allowed to obtain copies of the audits, which are deemed "management
tools" by UNDP bureaucrats and therefore not even available to
governments that pay for the organization. Their contents came to
light only after Wallace and the US demanded an opportunity to view
the audits at UNDP headquarters, and took careful notes based on the
documents. Wallace reiterated the contents in his letter, addressed to
Ad Melkert, the UNDP's No. 2 official.
The difficulties in finding out what the UNDP was doing in North Korea
were apparently something that US diplomats and UNDP auditors shared.
Wallace relates in his letter that whenever the auditors, contracted
from the consulting firm KPMG, tried to discover what was going wrong,
they were either limited in what they were allowed to investigate, or
they were forced to accept "sham" audits done by the North Koreans
themselves. The picture painted by the auditors, according to Wallace,
shows a UN agency that "operated in blatant violation of UN rules."
The UNDP allowed members of Kim's regime to "dominate" local UNDP
staff, who were apparently first selected by the North Korean
government itself, the auditors said, and added that Kim's operatives
even ran "core" financial and managerial functions directly. The
regime also demanded cash payments from the aid agency in violation of
UN rules, and kept UNDP officials from visiting many of the sites
where development projects were supposed to be underway.
On at least three occasions, in 1999, 2001 and 2004, the KPMG auditors
filed reports that brought troubling aspects of the situation to the
attention of UNDP headquarters, recommending "timely corrective
action." There is no evidence that any such action took place.
Just exactly how much money the UNDP funneled into North Korea in all
those years is not revealed in Wallace's letter. But he notes that in
1999 there were 29 ongoing UNDP projects in North Korea, with a total
budget of $27.86 million. Two-thirds of the programs were so-called
"National Execution programs" run by North Korea directly, using UNDP
money. The other third was ostensibly run by UNDP itself. But that may
not have made a difference. The auditors complained that even UNDP-run
programs paid for everything in cash, which is against UNDP policy, at
prices set by the Kim regime, and to suppliers that the regime
designated. There were not even any purchase orders involved. The
regime provided no audits of the programs under its own direct
control.
In his letter to Melkert, Wallace called for a "full independent and
outside forensic audit" of UNDP's programs in North Korea, going back
to at least 1998. Only "the bright light of real oversight" would
allow the UNDP's overseers to decide whether any or all of the
programs should be continued, he said.
*************************************************
5. WE WELCOME AN INDEPENDENT AUDIT -- UNDP
The UN's program for North Korea's poor strives to forestall
corruption
Ad Melkert, Opinion Journal, WSJ, 22 January 2007
[Ad Melkert is the associate administrator, under-secretary-general of
the UN Development Programme.]
In response to Melanie Kirkpatrick's Jan. 19 Wall Street Journal
editorial-page commentary "United Nations Dictators Program"
[http://online.wsj.com/article/SB116918095254881312.html?mod=article-outset-box]
and the accompanying editorial "UN Cash for Kim" about the United
Nations Development Program's work in North Korea, I would like to
offer some important context and relevant facts.
Here are the facts: There is no reason to believe that our programs
were subverted to fund nuclear activities in North Korea, and the most
recent audits conducted in 1999, 2001 and 2004 did not raise this
concern. We would also welcome an independent and external audit of
our operations in North Korea. Moreover we strongly support the
secretary-general's call to have an inquiry into the operations of the
UN's funds and programs worldwide to ensure there are no
misperceptions about our activities in North Korea or elsewhere.
UNDP operations in North Korea are in accordance with decisions of the
36 countries on its board, which includes the US, and with resolutions
passed recently by the Security Council. They are also in accordance
with UNDP's board-approved financial regulations. All of UNDP
activities in North Korea have been and continue to be subject to
regular audits and controls.
Here is the context: Operating a development agency in North Korea is
a complex business. To give an example, operating in North Korea
entails an unavoidable transfer of foreign currency. Either we pay our
local staff and contractors directly in Euros or we exchange euros for
North Korean won via the central bank. In light of the current
context, we are taking all possible steps to reduce to an absolute
minimum of hard-currency transactions and have decided that direct
recruitment of staff is pre-requisite for our continued cooperation in
the DPRK. The only way to prevent all hard currency from finding its
way into North Korea would be to cease operations there.
Our organization works in North Korea because the member states of the
UN and UNDP's board have made it very clear that they want us there.
UNDP and its sister UN agencies have helped the North Korean people
cope with a devastating famine in the 1990s and continue their
assistance to improve the lives of North Korea's impoverished people.
If the member states of the UN and UNDP's board were to decide that
our presence there were no longer useful, we would leave immediately.
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6. BAN ORDERS AUDIT OF UN OPERATION IN DPRK
Betsy Pisik, Washington Times, 23 January 2007
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon yesterday ordered a thorough audit of
the UN Development Program's operation in North Korea, the first in a
sweeping assessment of all UN agencies, funds and programs. The audit
will specifically look at hard-currency transactions, the independence
of locally hired staff, and the agency's ability to monitor ongoing
projects. UNDP, which spends about $3.6 million annually on a dozen
projects inside the repressive country, yesterday welcomed the audit
and promised to cooperate. Mr. Ban said he wants the UNDP audit
completed within three months, the first phase in an ambitious
accounting that could take years and millions of dollars to complete.
UN officials yesterday could not say how much the effort would
eventually cost.
The United States -- which funds 11 percent of UNDP's annual budget
but does not contribute to the North Korea program -- has raised
serious concerns that hard currency from UNDP may be finding its way
into the government's nuclear weapons program. An editorial in
Friday's Wall Street Journal suggested that hundreds of millions of
dollars had been diverted by the government from UNDP programs, and
said the agency was undermined by permitting the Pyongyang government
to choose local personnel for its programs.
David Morrison, UNDP director of communications, told a small group of
reporters yesterday that the program has four international staffers
in North Korea. Those staffers have been able to visit 10 out of 11
projects in the country and have few concerns over access and
monitoring issues, he said. He rejected comparisons to the Iraq
oil-for-food program, which Saddam Hussein was able to manipulate to
siphon hundreds of millions of dollars into private pockets.
"Working in [North] Korea is a tough job," he said. "We always have to
be wary of the possibility of any kind of misrepresentation of
activities in any country in the world." Mr. Morrison noted that UNDP
long ago switched to using euros rather than dollars as the
convertible currency in North Korea, in part because of US concerns
about counterfeiting and partly because Pyongyang prefers it for
political reasons.
UN officials routinely refused to publicly criticize the governments
of countries where they are running development or humanitarian work,
saying that would only make life more difficult for international
staff on the ground, and possibly draw new restrictions on their
efforts.
Many of these issues have been identified in UNDP's three internal
audits of the North Korea program, in 1999, 2001 and 2004; a fourth
will be under way shortly. Those audits are not made public or even
shared with the 36 nations that serve on UNDP's Executive Board, which
will discuss the North Korea program on Thursday. Instead, the reports
are reviewed by an external auditor, then distilled further and
presented to the executive committee. US officials, among others, have
demanded access to the initial audits, as well as source material,
saying that as major donors to UNDP programs they have a right to know
how those programs are managed.
However, UNDP officials have maintained the audits are internal
management tools and not intended for general distribution. "We are
aware that there is a difference between the regime I've just
described and practices the secretariat has just introduced, and we
are reviewing whether we should ... change our practice," Mr. Morrison
said. UNDP is also the coordinating agency for other UN efforts in the
country, including programs of the World Food Program and UNICEF.
US law prohibits using taxpayer money in repressive regimes such as
Iran, Cuba and North Korea. Therefore, Washington subtracts its share
of the North Korea program's costs from its overall contribution to
the agency.
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7. US SMEAR CAMPAIGN AGAINST DPRK BLASTED
Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), 25 January 2007
A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry on Thursday gave the
following answer to a question put by KCNA as regards the recent smear
campaign conducted by the US against the DPRK over UN organizations'
aid to it: The DPRK has maintained good relations of cooperation with
different bodies of the United Nations for several decades. And aid
projects of the above-said bodies, including the UNDP, in the country
have been carried out strictly in conformity with the UN regulations
and in a transparent way.
Nevertheless, the United States is kicking up another anti-DPRK racket
over not much aid funds of the UNDP from the outset of the year to
meet its dirty political aims. It talks about "offer of illegal funds"
and cries out for "investigating aid projects" and "shelving aid
program", asserting for no reason that the DPRK might have used the
aid funds for the development of nuclear weapons.
The United States has made every possible effort to put serious
sanctions and blockade against the DPRK. And it is now seeking to
intensify pressure on the DPRK and tarnish its image externally by
means of blocking the legal aid projects of UN organizations with
unjust reasons.
As the UNDP has denied, the US assertions admit of no argument as they
are a sheer fiction. News services of different countries have said
that the US hard-liners, who set in motion the unilateral financial
sanctions on the DPRK as soon as the September 19 joint statement was
published and drove the six-party talks to a deadlock, invented what
it called "suspected diversion of illegal funds", timed to coincide
with the DPRK-US talks in Berlin. Such comment is by no means
accidental.
The DPRK will continue to develop the cooperative relations with the
UNDP and other bodies of the UN. However, it will not allow any
attempt to politicize the aid project nor accept conditional or unjust
aid at all. The US will be wholly accountable for all consequences to
be entailed by its ongoing reckless campaign against the DPRK.
*************************************************
8. NORTH KOREA BANS USE OF FOREIGN CURRENCY
Associated Press, 25 January 2007
North Korea has banned the use of foreign currency in all domestic
transactions in an apparent attempt to collect hard currency from
individuals amid international economic sanctions over its nuclear
test, a news report said Thursday. The ban was announced Monday and
took effect immediately, South Korea's Dong-a Ilbo newspaper reported,
citing unidentified "reliable sources" familiar with North Korean
affairs. The measure was believed to be aimed at rounding up hard
currency under individual possession as the cash-strapped communist
regime suffered a further lack of foreign exchange following
international economic sanctions over its nuclear test in October, the
paper said.
Foreign money can be exchanged for North Korean currency at
government-designated booths, it said. However, the North has a black
market for currency where the unofficial rate is many times higher
than the government-set rate. Before the ban, foreign currencies, such
as the US dollar and euro, could be used at stores in capital
Pyongyang and other major cities.
South Korean officials were not immediately available to confirm the
report. (...)
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9. UN PROGRAMME FACING NEW CURBS IN DPRK
Colum Lynch, Washington Post, 26 January 2007
The UN Development Program's executive board decided Thursday to stop
paying for its local staff and supplies in foreign currency, and to
call for the UN General Assembly's board of auditors to determine
within three months whether the development agency violated its own
guidelines by doing so. The board also decided to delay approval of
the program's 2007-2009 budget until the audit is finished.
The action comes just weeks after the United States charged that the
UN program had been "systematically perverted" by channeling millions
of euros in hard currency to North Korean leader Kim Jong Il's
repressive government. Alejandro D. Wolff, the acting US ambassador,
expressed concern Thursday that the money could be used to finance
North Korea's illicit activities, including a nuclear weapons program.
The debate over the United Nations' oversight of its North Korea
operations coincides with renewed calls for the Development Program to
pull out of North Korea. Japan said the United Nations should end its
development assistance to North Korea, citing the country's defiance
of two UN Security Council resolutions calling for an end to its
nuclear weapons program. The United States -- which has stepped up
efforts to cut off hard currency to Pyongyang after its October test
of a nuclear device -- said it is considering supporting Japan's
position.
"A member state that does not comply with the obligations of the UN
Charter should not receive funds from [the] United Nations," said Koji
Tsuruoka, director general for global affairs in Japan's Foreign
Ministry. "Assistance to such a country should be limited to that of a
humanitarian nature directly delivered to the people."
North Korea's delegate, Jang Chun Sik, said that the board's decision
was "unfair and unacceptable" and that it was designed to further US
and Japanese efforts to "isolate and stifle" North Korea's people.
Russia, China and scores of developing countries voiced concern that
the board was responding to political pressure from its most
influential powers and they insisted that it should not set the stage
for audits of other poor countries.
The Development Program is one of four UN agencies, including the
World Food Program and UNICEF, that carry out development and relief
work in North Korea. They are required to hire government-appointed
workers and pay salaries through state-controlled offices. The
program's operations in North Korea, which are managed by eight
international workers, cost about $3.7 million, according to its
figures. Between $1.5 million and $2.5 million of that is spent each
year inside North Korea, including hundreds of thousands of dollars to
pay for local staff, supplies and accommodation, according to program
officials. Last year, it spent more than $1 million in salaries, rent
and travel costs, as much as half of which was distributed through
government-controlled agencies, according to a spokesman.
Thursday's action will freeze all development operations managed by
the North Korean government, including training programs in trade and
international finance. It also calls for more extensive monitoring of
assistance programs and bans the recruitment of government-selected
workers.
Mark D. Wallace, the US representative for UN management, said the
United States would press the World Food Program, UNICEF and the UN
Population Fund to follow suit and stop using foreign currency to pay
staff and hiring government-selected employees in North Korea. US
officials have privately pressed the Development Program to ask the
auditors to hire a private firm to conduct an independent review of
its operations. They expressed concern that the auditing board had
previously failed to flag problems in the North Korea program. "We
need a fresh set of eyes," Wallace said.
*************************************************
OPINION
*************************************************
10. TO BAN THE BOMB, SIGN THE PEACE
Paul B. Stares, International Herald Tribune, 30 January 2007
[Paul B. Stares is vice president for conflict analysis and prevention
at the United States Institute of Peace.]
Of all the crises facing the new United Nations secretary general, Ban
Ki Moon, the fraying nuclear nonproliferation system is arguably the
most consequential. Mohamed ElBaradei, head of the International
Atomic Energy Agency, has warned of 30 "virtual new weapons states" on
the horizon. Obviously, the more countries that possess the bomb, the
higher the risk of a nuclear accident, the theft of a weapon, sales of
technology and hardware, and a serious miscalculation leading to
nuclear war.
So where should Ban start? With North Korea having declared after its
test last October that it now possesses a nuclear deterrent, the
understandable temptation will be to focus on Iran. This would be a
mistake. North Korea is still some way off from having a reliable
nuclear weapon, and to accept its having this capacity as a fait
accompli would not only play into its game plan but also convince Iran
and other countries that the international community lacks the will to
prevent them from developing the bomb. A new approach is required.
The logical place to look is to examine the lessons of "nuclear
reversal" - that is, what has made states in the past give up the
nuclear option. At first glance, the historical record doesn't look
encouraging: South Africa is the only country that has developed
nuclear weapons and then destroyed them. Yet other nations have
abandoned advanced research programs - including Australia, Argentina,
Brazil, South Korea, Sweden and Taiwan - or, like Belarus, Kazakhstan
and Ukraine, given up the nuclear arsenals they inherited from the
Soviet Union. One big reason for these countries' decisions, not
surprisingly, was the efforts of major powers to reassure them about
their long-term security, so that nuclear weapons offered no
appreciable benefit.
How would this approach be applied to North Korea? The answer is not
unilateral assurances from the United States. American officials have
vowed many times that they harbor no hostile intent; repeating that
mantra will not make it any more credible to Pyongyang.
Similar guarantees from all five of the permanent members of the
Security Council, however, could be more persuasive. Enter Ban. The
diplomatic vehicle for such security assurances would be a United
Nations-sponsored initiative to formally end the Korean War and
dismantle the present armistice arrangements. As part of a peace
treaty, the principal signatories -- the United States, China and the
two Koreas -- would commit themselves to establishing normal
diplomatic relations, recognizing the territorial integrity of both
Koreas and, most important, ensuring a nuclear-free peninsula.
To sweeten the deal, the Security Council's permanent five would
extend security guarantees, similar to those given Ukraine, to both
Koreas. These would remain in effect as long as each side fulfilled
its nonproliferation commitment. If one or the other reneged, all bets
would be off.
Complementary agreements involving conventional arms control, economic
assistance, access to international financial institutions and
humanitarian aid could also be discussed, but not as prerequisites for
replacing the Korean armistice with a permanent peace settlement.
The United States has already signaled its willingness to sign a peace
treaty -- but only after North Korea verifiably dismantled its nuclear
weapons. Reversing the order, however, with upfront but still
conditional security guarantees, would provide North Korea with
immediate incentives to take the first step.
For Ban, such an agreement would be not only a gift to his native
Korea but a much-needed boost to his organization's stature. Above all
else, he might just save the nonproliferation system by using the same
approach elsewhere, not least with Iran.
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End CanKor # 272
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